The individual family farm and the immediate community were the centers of cultural and economic activity.
Ecosystems are important because they are the places where people live, work, and play. This portion of the SAA focuses on the human dimensions and human activities in the ecosystems of the study area. The history of human influences is outlined, and recent changes in human communities and human influences are described in some detail. Recent changes in the timber economy of the region are analyzed. Since the Southern Appalachians are a tourism and recreation destination for people throughout the eastern United States, supplies of and demands for recreation are analyzed. Finally, the areas of public land where human influences are severely limited - the roadless areas and officially designated wilderness - are described.
The steep slopes and rocky soils of the Southern Appalachians make the region less hospitable to large-scale farming than the regions to the South and East. But that same topography that produced a pleasant climate also provided places for people seeking a lifestyle of hunting and subsistence farming. That was the lifestyle of the Native Americans prior to European-led settlement, and it was the dominant lifestyle of settlers and their descendants until the 20th century.
Communities formed around creek and river drainages, and people concentrated their agriculture on the flatter spots near water. Until the supply of relatively flat land ran low, the steeper slopes remained in forest or pasture. Community boundaries normally ran to the tops of ridges, and forested slopes were open to hunting by anyone in the community.
The individual family farm and the immediate community were the centers of cultural and economic activity (fig. 12). Food and clothing were made inside the family grouping, and there was relatively little commerce with the world outside the community. Communities often were dominated by a single family or a few families. Children were often educated in their own home or in the home of a nearby relative. Kinship groups dominated all aspects of life, including religion and politics. Concepts of right and wrong were both taught and enforced by kinship groups.
Figure 12
The individual family farm and the immediate community were
the centers of cultural and economic activity.
Differences may have been exaggerated by writers who sought to entertain as well as inform, but there is no doubt that Southern Appalachian residents had far less income, poorer medical care, and less formal education than the residents of surrounding areas. To correct these problems, special efforts have been made by private and public organizations to improve human conditions in the area. The Appalachian Regional Commission, Economic Development Administration, and TVA continue such efforts to this day.
Recent changes in the Southern Appalachians, however, are making the area's people less unique than they once were. In the last 50 years, many people have left the area to seek better opportunities elsewhere. At the same time, the area's climate and scenery have attracted permanent residents from outside. The result is a mixed culture that is no longer dominated by the descendants of early settlers. New residents and people in families that have lived in the area for generations often disagree about appropriate uses of both public and private land.
The analysis of communities and human influences on ecosystems in the study area was structured around answering seven questions:
The questions were addressed individually, and often by different researchers. Primary data sources were the U.S. Bureau of the Census' Census of Population and Housing and that agency's Topologically Integrated Geographic Encoding and Referencing (TIGER) files, the U.S. Department of Commerce's County Business Patterns, the U.S. Department of Commerce's Census of Agriculture, the U.S. Department of Labor, the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Forest Service Impact for Planning Model (IMPLAN), and the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Economic Research Service. Many local sources were used to describe schools, highways, and other social characteristics.
The population of the Southern Appalachian region increased by 27.8 percent between 1970 and 1990, however, population increases varied among counties within the region (fig. 13). Despite this growth, the population density in the study area remains below the average for the seven states that include the study area. The greatest increase in population density in the Southern Appalachians has been near metropolitan areas in northern Georgia, northwestern South Carolina, and portions of Tennessee, North Carolina, and Virginia (fig. 14).
Figure 13
The population for the region increased by 27.8 percent
between 1970 and 1990.
Figure 14
The greatest increase in population density has been near
metropolitan areas.
Over the past 20 years, as the economy grew, poverty declined significantly. The proportion of families below the poverty level decreased from 20 percent in 1970 to 11 percent in 1990. The poverty level in the study area is now just slightly below that in the seven-state region. Unemployment was low in 1970, but turned upward in 1980 and 1990 in response to overall national recessions.
Farming, once a dominant force in the region's economy, decreased by 31 percent between 1969 and 1987. The proportion of the region's area in farms decreased from 34 percent in 1969 to 25 percent in 1987 (fig. 15).
Figure 15
Percentage of land in farms in Southern Appalachia, 1969 and
1987.
For natural resource management, the increase in the area's population is less significant than the economic development that accompanied the increase. While major losses of forest land have not occurred, growth and development have affected management of natural resources. Resource managers must meet the needs and desires of many people who are new to the Southern Appalachians. Many of these new people are retirees or holders of full-time city jobs. Others have migrated to the Southern Appalachians to work in the growing service sectors, including the recreation and tourism industry. This pattern of employment differs from the traditional dominance of agriculture, manufacturing, and resource extraction, including timber harvesting and mining.
The newcomers have changed the social climate in which Southern Appalachian resource managers must operate. For example, retirees who have recently come to the region seem to feel differently toward resource preservation than do long-time local residents whose incomes historically have depended on resource extraction and manufacturing. These differing preferences lead to conflicts over resource management, often with the resource manager in the middle. For example, timber harvesting in sight of a road is often protested. Natural resource managers must respond to these changed values and preferences, including rising demands for land and water resources for recreation, tourism, and housing.
The changes that occurred in the region as a whole have affected many of the small communities near public land. It may, therefore, be fair to generalize that these communities are somewhat less dependent on farming, resource extraction, and resource manufacturing than they once were. Natural resource-based industries account for 12 percent of the region's output and 10 percent of its employment. Natural resource-based industries include wood products manufacturing, forestry, mining, and tourism. Primary wood-products manufacturing accounts for 10 percent or more of total industrial employment in six counties in the Southern Appalachians. Secondary wood-products manufacturing accounts for 10 percent or more in 18 counties (fig. 16).
Figure 16
Natural resource-based industries account for 12 percent of
the region's output and 10 percent of its employment.
In places where public lands form a significant part of the landscape, they are perceived both as an asset that local people enjoy and a barrier to future economic development. To see how people felt about their environment, focus groups of community residents near national forests were formed. These groups considered national forests to be important to their community's present and future well-being. They favor balance between local and regional special interests. To them, recreation, tourism, and resource protection are important, but so are extraction of timber and other commodities. They want to be taken into account when land management plans are formulated, and they do not feel they are sufficiently informed or involved in land management decision making. They support scientific resource management, but they fear that outside interests may push too far and hurt their communities. In particular, they do not want to lose access to public land. They called for responsible management that balances utilization and preservation.
People living outside the region often have a significant influence on the way public lands are managed. One illustration of this is described in the recreation section of the SAA report. The level and kind of recreation use is significantly affected by people living in surrounding population centers.
Another reflection of outside influences is through citizen groups of various kinds. Many groups have been formed to help protect environmental values, and the number and sophistication of these groups are increasing. These groups have local members, but people living outside the study area are more numerous. The offices of a sample of 150 environmental groups were polled and asked how their groups have affected public land management. Replies indicated that land management has been affected through technical assistance to management agencies, through public outreach, and through environmental education activities. Representatives of five federal land management agencies reported that environmental groups influence management of public land in the region through input to planning proposals and environmental impact statements, and through the creation of community-led organizations.
The importance that environmental organizations place on their technical assistance and education activities is an indication of their growing sophistication. Many maintain highly trained scientific staffs. With scientific facts as a basis, such groups will be able to express their natural resource concerns effectively.
Although they may differ somewhat in intensity and balance, the attitudes of Southern Appalachian residents about natural resources and ecosystem management are quite similar to attitudes across the nation. Throughout the United States, environmental concerns remain high. Most Americans feel, however, that environmental protection and economic growth are compatible. When people must choose one over the other, their first preference is for environmental protection.
Americans view environmental groups favorably, but feel that they as individuals do not make a significant difference. A majority of southerners have indicated a willingness to put more personal funds toward collective environmental protection. About one-half feel the environment is getting worse.
Southern Appalachian residents have moderately strong positive attitudes about the area's natural resources (table 1). People generally favor a user fee to recreate on national forest land. They are against use of fire as a forest management tool, and they are against having a landscape of brown and dead trees. Respondents to this special poll are against increasing controls over tourism development but are divided over restrictions on second-home development.
Attitude Toward Issues
in the Southern Appalachian Region Agree Neither Disagree
--------------------------------------- ----- ------ ------
Forest issues
-------------
It is OK if parts of the landscape are
brown and consist of dead trees. 25.2 6.2 68.5
There should be more harvesting of dead
and downed trees. 70.0 7.3 22.8
Using fire as a management tool in
National Forests is a good idea. 32.1 8.6 59.3
There should be more timber harvesting
of private forests. 35.8 17.7 46.5
There should be more timber harvesting
of National Forests. 17.6 10.3 72.1
Terrestrial issues
------------------
Land that provides critical habitat
for plants and animals should not
be developed. 72.5 4.7 22.5
The Endangered Species Act has gone too
too far and should be restricted. 33.6 8.9 57.5
It is more important to protect habitat
for trout than non-game species. 29.3 17.7 53.0
More fish should be stocked in streams
and lakes to provide increased
sportfishing. 62.8 12.8 24.4
Air and water quality issues
----------------------------
Industries which pollute the water and
air should pay for the clean-up even
if it means the loss of jobs or
profit. 83.5 6.9 9.6
The Water Quality Act has gone too far
and needs restricting. 17.2 9.1 73.7
The Clean Air Quality Act has gone too
far and needs restricting. 15.2 6.7 88.1
Social issues
-------------
There should be more restrictions on
second-home development. 41.7 18.8 39.5
There should be more controls on
tourism development. 38.3 11.1 50.6
More public land should be set
aside as wilderness. 68.6 7.1 24.3
There should be a user fee to recreate
on National Forests. 67.6 5.0 27.4
Between 1977 and 1991, the industrial output of the Southern Appalachians grew 42 percent while employment grew 65 percent. This growth was somewhat slower than in the surrounding regions but, nevertheless, had a significant impact on the Southern Appalachians.
Between 1977 and 1991, the manufacturing share of industrial output decreased from 52 to 40 percent in the study area. Still, manufacturing's share of the region's economy is relatively high. Meanwhile, the service and trade sectors grew significantly in the region, adding diversity and stability.
The combined natural resources sector provides nearly 10 percent of the region's employment, 7 percent of wages, and 12 percent of industry output. Only retail trade has a greater percentage of employment and wages than the natural resources sector among the six special industry groupings. However, natural resource output is a larger percentage of regional output than any of the other sectors.
Tourism's share of the Southern Appalachian regional real industrial output declined slightly between 1977 and 1991. However, employment doubled during this period. This includes part-time and seasonal employment. Employment growth, therefore, occurred more rapidly than the dollar value of tourism, after adjusting for inflation. Tourism is a part of the service industry, which also includes banking, insurance, the legal profession, etc. The benefit provided to the consumer is a "service" rather than a manufactured product, such as automobiles or furniture.
Rafting on the Chattooga Wild and Scenic River, Georgia and
South Carolina.
Figure 17
The SAA area covers over 37 million acres. Almost three-fourths of that area is rural and privately owned. Of the 28 million acres of private land, 18.95 million are forested. The area of private forest land in the study area decreased by a modest 220,000 acres since 1982. At the same time, the area of developed land increased by more than 600,000 acres. Much of the development took place on former cropland and pasture.
More than three-fourths of the private forest is owned by individuals. Corporations hold about 15 percent, and partnerships, clubs, and associations hold the remainder.
In a 1985 survey of private landowners, over one-half of the respondents said that growing timber and livestock were important reasons for owning their land. Even more respondents cited personal reasons, such as recreation and enjoyment of a rural lifestyle, as important factors.
A 1994 survey asked owners about the primary benefit they expected from their land in the next 10 years. Some 38 percent mentioned "enjoyment of owning" as a primary benefit (table 2). The most frequently cited benefit was an increase in land value.
Share of Area Share of
Owners Owners (million) Acreage
Expected Benefit (thousands) (%) (acres) (%)
------------------- ------- ---- -------- -------
Land value increase 178.5 22.1 4.9 26.4
Recreation 106.3 13.2 2.5 13.3
Timber production 18.1 2.0 3.5 18.9
Farm/domestic use 118.3 14.6 1.9 10.3
Enjoyment of owning 307.6 38.1 4.1 22.1
Firewood 31.5 3.9 0.5 2.7
Other 21.4 2.6 0.7 3.9
No answer 26.0 3.2 0.5 2.5
------ ----- ----- -----
Total 807.7 99.9 18.6 100.1
Forests and their use have strongly shaped the landscape of the Southern Appalachians. Wood has been vital for subsistence and commerce there for many years. Practically all of the region's forests have been harvested at least once since the mid-1800s, and an industry based on sustained timber growth and production in second-growth forests thrives there today.
Increasingly, however, forest values other than timber are controlling the ways in which forests are utilized. Often the values of watershed protection, scenery for tourists, wildlife habitats, and suitable sites for recreation and development control when and where timber is harvested. Ongoing changes in the demographics and landscape of the Southern Appalachians could reshape its timber economy.
This analysis of the Southern Appalachian timber economy was structured around four questions:
Forests cover more than 26 million acres of the assessment area. The forests of the study area are extremely diverse. More species of trees are native to the Southern Appalachians than to any other northern temperate region of the globe. In addition, the nature of the region's forests change as one moves from north to south and with elevation.
The individuals, corporations, and government agencies that manage land differ in their goals and approaches to forest management. Government agencies manage a little over 20 percent of the timberland in the Southern Appalachians. That is a small amount compared to that in the western United States, but this is the largest concentration of public lands within the eastern United States. The federal share of timber land in individual counties ranges up to 69 percent. The decisions made by federal agencies, therefore, can influence local timber production and the economy in certain parts of the region.
The region's markets for timber over the last 20 years have been strong. Roughly equal volumes of sawlogs and pulpwood were produced ranging from 403 to 435 million cubic feet during the last decade. Markets for all major products have remained stable or increased (fig. 18). High-quality sawlogs are becoming increasingly scarce in the region, and the prices for them have risen sharply. In contrast, lower quality material has been relatively abundant and prices have been level or declining (fig. 19). As a result, producers are utilizing increasing amounts of low-quality timber.
Figure 18
Sawlogs and pulpwood produced in the Southern Appalachian
area. (Source: Timber Product Output and pulpwood surveys
conducted by the USDA Forest Service, severence tax records in
Alabama, and sawlog consumption surveys in Tennessee)
Figure 20
The wood products industry has provided stable employment and income in the region over the last 20 years (fig. 21). Wood products employment and income grew over this period, but at a slower rate than for the economy as a whole. As a result, its share of the total economy declined from 6 percent to 4 percent in 20 years.
Figure 21
Employment in lumber and wood products, furniture and
fixtures, and allied products in the Southern Appalachians, 1975-
1993. (Self-employed workers are not included.) (Source:
Department of Labor, unemployment insurance database, ES-
202)
About 17 percent of the region's timberland is in national forests. In individual counties, however, the USDA Forest Service manages up to 69 percent of timberland. In these areas, USDA Forest Service decisions strongly influence the local wood processing industry.
On average, USDA Forest Service timber is larger and older than privately held timber and the national forests hold a larger share of high grade oak sawtimber (fig. 22). Since this is the kind of timber that is in shortest supply and greatest demand, national forest timber sales can affect the markets for high quality oak.
Figure 22
Red Oak sawtimber inventory by grade and owner. (Grade 1 is
the highest grade in timber.) (Source: USDA Forest Service,
Eastwide Database, Hansen and others, 1992)
Since 1980, national forests have provided 10 to 12 percent of Southern Appalachian timber production. National forest harvests increased from the late 1970s through the mid-1980s. Production peaked in 1985 and fell rapidly after 1991 (fig. 23). Current sale levels are comparable with those of the late 1970s and current policies could decrease harvest levels further.
Figure 23
Total volume of timber sold from national forests in the
Southern Appalachian Assessment area. (Source: Timber cut and
sold records, Southern Region, USDA Forest Service)
Planning for the management of national forest lands is complex and requires accurate information about the various values that specific tracts can yield. The determination of what land is and is not suitable for timber production is an especially important step in the planning process. Once a tract is classed as unsuitable for timber production, it is removed from further consideration for this use. This analysis therefore can strongly influence the supply of timber from a national forest.
Findings from the SAA analysis of timber supply and demand could be helpful in further analysis of suitability for timber production in forest planning. The SAA analysis shows a great deal of price variation with species and grades of material harvested. The financial analysis for suitability therefore should account for the species and grades of material that each silvicultural prescription would yield. The location of the tract under consideration with respect to specific markets also needs to be considered. Finally, price forecasts need to be carefully constructed for individual products rather than for groups of wood products.
Throughout the United States, the Southern Appalachians are well known for their scenery and the recreation opportunities they provide. These qualities fuel an economy that provides meaningful experiences to visitors and employment for residents. They also give residents positive feelings about the places where they live.
In the assessment, analyses developed from a base of five questions. Three of the questions address the economic aspects of recreation:
Two questions related to providing a positive sense of place were addressed:
If a person chooses to spend leisure time outdoors pursuing nature-based activities, then the type of recreation setting is important. Outdoor recreation supply is defined as the opportunity to participate in a desired recreation activity in a preferred setting. The setting creates the context for the experience a person can expect. For example, hiking along a trail in a setting far from the sights or sounds of humans creates a different experience than hiking in a farm pasture. In both cases, hiking is the activity, but the difference in settings creates a different experience. Thus, determining the type, amount, distribution, and ownership of settings across the landscape is central to understanding recreation supply (fig. 24).
Figure 24
This map shows the distribution of settings across the
Southern Appalachians. About 45 percent of the region is rural,
24 percent is natural appearing forests, and about 8 percent is
remote. The only primitive setting occurs in the Great Smoky
Mountains National Park.
About 18 percent of the Southern Appalachians are highly developed settings with 2 percent in urban, 4 percent in suburban, and 12 percent in transition or emerging development settings. About 45 percent of the Southern Appalachians are rural (fig. 25), 24 percent are natural-appearing forests, and 8 percent are remote (fig. 26). Only one primitive setting (0.2 percent) occurs in the Southern Appalachians and it lies in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park.
Figure 25
Rural settings, such as pasturelands and partially forested
farmland, comprise 45 percent of the landscape. Most of these
settings are privately owned.
Figure 26
Remote settings account for 8 percent of the landscape. About
two-thirds is publicly owned and the remaining one-third is in
private ownership.
Perhaps the most significant change in recreationists in the Southern Appalachians in the last 15 years has been an increase in their number and diversity. For all activities, the percentage of population that participates has grown or remained stable (fig. 27). Since the population has increased, demands for specific recreation opportunities have risen.
Figure 27
The percentage of people participating in nature-based
recreation has grown or remained stable. Due to population
increases, demands for specific oppurtunities have risen
swiftly.
Figure 28
This figure shows the estimated number of outdoor recreation
participants in the Southern Appalachians. About one-fourth of
these account for two-thirds of the activity.
A high proportion of recreation use on federally owned land occurs at the outer edges of the Appalachian chain, particularly in the southern portion of the Blue Ridge Mountain section. Many users of recreation facilities live in Charlotte, NC; Atlanta, GA; Chattanooga and Knoxville, TN, and around the edges of the Appalachian Mountains. One result is high density use of the public forests and parks. As these population centers grow, use patterns will creep toward the center of the mountain ranges (fig. 29).
Figure 29
These high use areas are popular recreation places where
congestion occurs on weekends in the spring, summer, and fall
seasons.
People often develop strong positive feelings about specific places in and around their communities. Social scientists call these feelings a sense of place (fig. 30). Nature-based settings are key ingredients for enhancing a sense of place in the Southern Appalachian communities. Recreation and scenic opportunities facilitate social interaction, provide a strong connection with the outdoor environment, impart a sense of personal well being, and improve the climate for economic development.
Figure 30
The scenic mountainous backdrop surrounding this community is
one attribute that leads people to form a bond of attachment to
the land, thus creating a "sense of place."
Conflicts related to sustained development can probably be minimized by understanding the special character and attributes of communities. Preserving key attributes during development is extremely important to long-term residents. In addition, open spaces and distinctive landscapes for nature-based activities contribute to the lifestyles of residents and visitors.
Over 30,000 jobs are directly related to recreation facilities on federal land. The counties with the greatest number of these jobs are located near the area's two national parks and the large concentration of national forests in western North Carolina. A high net economic value is placed on whitewater rafting ($126 per day). The value placed on camping is relatively low ($6 per day). Therefore, counties with whitewater rivers, such as the Chattooga, Nantahala, and Ocoee, have seen increases in recreation-related employment. (Recreation values are from USDA Forest Service Public Areas Recreation Visitor Survey, 1985-1987.)
Distribution and Location
People are interested in the number, size, location, and status of roadless areas in the Southern Appalachians. These areas are an inventory of undeveloped land that satisfies the definition of wilderness found in section 2(c) of the 1964 Wilderness Act (FSH 1909.12). An inventory of roadless areas conducted for the SAA reflects past management and land use. Some people want to know where roadless areas occur because of their interest in protecting natural areas from development. Others are interested in knowing where these areas occur and when they may be available for other future uses.
The assessment addressed four groups of questions about wildernesses and roadless areas:
Roadless areas and wilderness are a limited resource in the Southern Appalachians (fig. 31). One hundred forty-four roadless areas and 39 designated units of the National Wilderness Preservation System occur in national forests, national parks, and state parks throughout the region. They comprise 1,231,961 acres of roadless and 347,990 acres of designated wilderness lands. Wilderness and roadless acres account for 4 percent of all land in the Southern Appalachians.
Figure 31
Roadless areas and wilderness in the SAA.
Shining Rock Wilderness, North Carolina.
People are concerned that management actions could change the character of a roadless area so that it is no longer suitable for wilderness consideration. An area's inclusion in the Forest Service roadless inventory does not preclude timber harvesting, road construction, planting of non-native vegetation, mining, prospecting, or construction of items that would change the character of the area. In compliance with federal agency policies and the National Environmental Policy Act, however, any project that would change the character of a roadless area must be analyzed with full public participation.
Even though many management actions are limited in wilderness areas, a number of activities are permitted. Wilderness management includes campsite naturalization, environmental education, trail maintenance and rehabilitation, removal of structures, campfire bans, or limits on the type and amount of use. Wildernesses also offer many opportunities for research. Their remote and undisturbed character is especially attractive for studies of rare vegetation or animals.
Some wildernesses in the Southern Appalachians are close to large population centers. As population increases and urban areas expand, there is concern that the wilderness resource will be affected by overuse.
While it is reasonable to suppose that proximity to a large population center would increase the use of a wilderness, that factor does not appear to explain variations in current use of wilderness in the Southern Appalachians. Some areas that are within 50 miles of a large city are not visited often, while others that are much more remote are heavily used.
The specific attractions of an individual wilderness and the amount of publicity it receives appear to be major determinants of its use. Location of a wilderness near some other attraction also seems to increase its use. Research is needed to determine exactly what factors draw users to wilderness.
The assessment area is comprised of 10 ecosystem sections in 3 provinces. Wilderness, roadless areas, or both are found in 7 of the 10 sections. Six roadless areas contain a total of three ecosystem sections that do not occur in Southern Appalachian wilderness (fig. 5). Nineteen federally listed threatened and endangered species are known now to occur or have occurred in 16 roadless areas and nine occur in six wildernesses. In some cases, the same species is found in several areas.
About 3 percent of the land in the Southern Appalachians is identified as potential old-growth forest. Roadless areas and wilderness account for 32 percent of the area in this category.
Approximately 56 percent of the land in the Southern Appalachians is classed as potentially suitable habitat for black bears. Roadless areas and wilderness account for about 7 percent of these acres. All 144 roadless areas and 39 wildernesses contain bear habitat.
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